But isn’t it the percentage that should be important for the OP’s argument? The support for policies that redistribute wealth to the poor isn’t measured in absolute numbers, either.
Sure. He was asking for a citation for the specific claim. I gave that citation. I agree that it isn’t the best metric, but it isn’t the claim that the OP was making. (The fact that as a percentage it is highest since 1966 is still striking and does accomplish most of what the OP wants although obviously doesn’t carry nearly as much rhetorical effect).
I’m not discussing here to sharpen my rhetorics. It seems that the OP is wrong here or at least his argument is flawed, as in 1959, more (in relative terms) Americans were poor (measured as in that graph) than today.
Is there a useful metric by which to measure “support for policies that redistribute wealth to the poor”? Is there historical data?
The OP’s argument seems logical, but if data (at least that data which the OP has argued on, namely US poverty rates vs. redistribution policy support) contradicts, something, somewhere did go wrong (which is not to say that the idea of signaling is false/useless, it could be quite a few things which lead to this contradiction of the data).
Sorry if my phrasing was unclear. What I mean is that although the percentage result not being the highest detracts from the rhetorical level of the argument, it doesn’t detract substantially from the logical argument in that having close to the largest percentage in poverty ever still allows it to go through.
I think your point about policy support is a stronger one: I’m not aware of any data that shows historical support levels for policy preferences about social security, welfare, medicaid, etc.
But isn’t it the percentage that should be important for the OP’s argument? The support for policies that redistribute wealth to the poor isn’t measured in absolute numbers, either.
Sure. He was asking for a citation for the specific claim. I gave that citation. I agree that it isn’t the best metric, but it isn’t the claim that the OP was making. (The fact that as a percentage it is highest since 1966 is still striking and does accomplish most of what the OP wants although obviously doesn’t carry nearly as much rhetorical effect).
I’m not discussing here to sharpen my rhetorics. It seems that the OP is wrong here or at least his argument is flawed, as in 1959, more (in relative terms) Americans were poor (measured as in that graph) than today.
Is there a useful metric by which to measure “support for policies that redistribute wealth to the poor”? Is there historical data?
The OP’s argument seems logical, but if data (at least that data which the OP has argued on, namely US poverty rates vs. redistribution policy support) contradicts, something, somewhere did go wrong (which is not to say that the idea of signaling is false/useless, it could be quite a few things which lead to this contradiction of the data).
Sorry if my phrasing was unclear. What I mean is that although the percentage result not being the highest detracts from the rhetorical level of the argument, it doesn’t detract substantially from the logical argument in that having close to the largest percentage in poverty ever still allows it to go through.
I think your point about policy support is a stronger one: I’m not aware of any data that shows historical support levels for policy preferences about social security, welfare, medicaid, etc.