That wanting to be left alone is an unreasonable goal.
I’m not sure what “left alone” means, exactly. I think I disagree with some plausible meanings and agree with others.
have runaway “I hate the enemy more than you!” contests among themselves
I think the Israeli feeling towards Arabs is better characterized as “I just want them to go away and leave us alone,” and if you asked this person’s friends they would deny hating and claim “I just want them to go away and leave us alone,” possibly honestly, possibly truthfully.
It does involve accepting only very stringent conditions for peace,
I think different segments of Israeli society have different non-negotiable conditions and weights for negotiable ones, and only the combination of them all is so inflexible. One can say about any subset that, granted the world as it is, including other segments of society, their demands are temporally impossible to meet from resources available.
Biblical Israel did not include much of modern Israel, including coastal and inland areas surrounding Gaza, coastal areas in the north and, the desert in the south. It did include territory not part of modern Israel, the areas surrounding the Golan and areas on the east bank of the Jordan river, and its core was the land on the west bank of the Jordan river. It would not be at all hard to induce the Israeli right to give up on acquiring southeast Syria, etc. even though it was once biblical Israel. Far harder is having them accede to losing entirely and being evicted from the land where Israel has political and military control, had the biblical states, and they are a minority population.
It might not be difficult to persuade the right to make many concessions the Israeli left or other countries would never accept. Examples include “second class citizenship” in the colloquial sense i.e. permanent non-citizen metic status for non-Jews, paying non-Jews to leave, or even giving them a state in what was never biblical Israel where Jews now live and evicting Jews resident there, rather than give non-Jews a state where they now are the majority population in what was once biblical Israel. The left would not look kindly upon such a caste system, forced transfer, soft genocide of paying a national group to disperse, or evicting majority populations to conform to biblical history.
I think it is only the Israeli right+Israeli left conditions for peace that are so stringent, and so I reject the formulation “it does involve accepting only very stringent conditions for peace” as a characterization of either the Israeli left or right, though not them in combination. To say it of the right pretends liberal conclusions (that I happen to have) are immutable.
I think different segments of Israeli society have different non-negotiable conditions and weights for negotiable ones, and only the combination of them all is so inflexible.
Mostly agreed, though I don’t think it’s the right way of looking at the problem—you want to consider all the interactions between the demands of each Israeli subgroup (also, groups of Israel supporters abroad) and the demands of each Palestinian subgroup (also, surrounding Arab countries).
I reject the formulation “it does involve accepting only very stringent conditions for peace” as a characterization of either the Israeli left or right
I meant just Yigal Amir. I’m pretty sure the guy wasn’t particularly internally divided.
Probably, but one ought to consider what policies he would endure that he would not have met with vigilante violence. I may have the most irrevocable possible opposition to, say, the stimulus bill’s destruction of inefficient car engines when replacing the engines would be even less efficient by every metric than continuing to run the old engine, a crude confluence of the broken window fallacy and lost purposes, but no amount of that would make me kill anybody.
I’m not sure what “left alone” means, exactly. I think I disagree with some plausible meanings and agree with others.
I think the Israeli feeling towards Arabs is better characterized as “I just want them to go away and leave us alone,” and if you asked this person’s friends they would deny hating and claim “I just want them to go away and leave us alone,” possibly honestly, possibly truthfully.
I think different segments of Israeli society have different non-negotiable conditions and weights for negotiable ones, and only the combination of them all is so inflexible. One can say about any subset that, granted the world as it is, including other segments of society, their demands are temporally impossible to meet from resources available.
Biblical Israel did not include much of modern Israel, including coastal and inland areas surrounding Gaza, coastal areas in the north and, the desert in the south. It did include territory not part of modern Israel, the areas surrounding the Golan and areas on the east bank of the Jordan river, and its core was the land on the west bank of the Jordan river. It would not be at all hard to induce the Israeli right to give up on acquiring southeast Syria, etc. even though it was once biblical Israel. Far harder is having them accede to losing entirely and being evicted from the land where Israel has political and military control, had the biblical states, and they are a minority population.
It might not be difficult to persuade the right to make many concessions the Israeli left or other countries would never accept. Examples include “second class citizenship” in the colloquial sense i.e. permanent non-citizen metic status for non-Jews, paying non-Jews to leave, or even giving them a state in what was never biblical Israel where Jews now live and evicting Jews resident there, rather than give non-Jews a state where they now are the majority population in what was once biblical Israel. The left would not look kindly upon such a caste system, forced transfer, soft genocide of paying a national group to disperse, or evicting majority populations to conform to biblical history.
I think it is only the Israeli right+Israeli left conditions for peace that are so stringent, and so I reject the formulation “it does involve accepting only very stringent conditions for peace” as a characterization of either the Israeli left or right, though not them in combination. To say it of the right pretends liberal conclusions (that I happen to have) are immutable.
Mostly agreed, though I don’t think it’s the right way of looking at the problem—you want to consider all the interactions between the demands of each Israeli subgroup (also, groups of Israel supporters abroad) and the demands of each Palestinian subgroup (also, surrounding Arab countries).
I meant just Yigal Amir. I’m pretty sure the guy wasn’t particularly internally divided.
I had meant to imply that
Probably, but one ought to consider what policies he would endure that he would not have met with vigilante violence. I may have the most irrevocable possible opposition to, say, the stimulus bill’s destruction of inefficient car engines when replacing the engines would be even less efficient by every metric than continuing to run the old engine, a crude confluence of the broken window fallacy and lost purposes, but no amount of that would make me kill anybody.