I think different segments of Israeli society have different non-negotiable conditions and weights for negotiable ones, and only the combination of them all is so inflexible.
Mostly agreed, though I don’t think it’s the right way of looking at the problem—you want to consider all the interactions between the demands of each Israeli subgroup (also, groups of Israel supporters abroad) and the demands of each Palestinian subgroup (also, surrounding Arab countries).
I reject the formulation “it does involve accepting only very stringent conditions for peace” as a characterization of either the Israeli left or right
I meant just Yigal Amir. I’m pretty sure the guy wasn’t particularly internally divided.
Probably, but one ought to consider what policies he would endure that he would not have met with vigilante violence. I may have the most irrevocable possible opposition to, say, the stimulus bill’s destruction of inefficient car engines when replacing the engines would be even less efficient by every metric than continuing to run the old engine, a crude confluence of the broken window fallacy and lost purposes, but no amount of that would make me kill anybody.
Mostly agreed, though I don’t think it’s the right way of looking at the problem—you want to consider all the interactions between the demands of each Israeli subgroup (also, groups of Israel supporters abroad) and the demands of each Palestinian subgroup (also, surrounding Arab countries).
I meant just Yigal Amir. I’m pretty sure the guy wasn’t particularly internally divided.
I had meant to imply that
Probably, but one ought to consider what policies he would endure that he would not have met with vigilante violence. I may have the most irrevocable possible opposition to, say, the stimulus bill’s destruction of inefficient car engines when replacing the engines would be even less efficient by every metric than continuing to run the old engine, a crude confluence of the broken window fallacy and lost purposes, but no amount of that would make me kill anybody.