Grammatical gender can have weak priming effects. eg. if your language codes “bridge” as masculine, you’re more likely to describe one using words like “stout” and “strong”, as opposed to languages with feminine bridges that are likely to be “graceful” or “soaring”. If I recall correctly she also did some similar work with the way languages encode path and manner of movement (ie. in English I would say “he ran out of the room”, while in French it’s more like “he left the room running”).
There’s also a bunch of other related findings. eg. people generally conceptualise time/logical progressions as going in the same direction as their writing system, Russian speakers are faster to distinguish between light and dark blue than English speakers because in Russian they’re two distinct colours, that sort of thing.
I’m still on the fence about this Keith Chen stuff. Most of those tasks I just described involve verbal labelling/categorisation, so it’s not surprising to me that when you’re explicitly asked to come up with words for things you would be primed by what kind of words and structures your language has. Thinking about the future seems less language-dependent than that.
I’ve no problem stomaching these findings; I have no objections to weak priming effects, differences in ease or speed of categorization and the like, and it doesn’t seem like Boroditsky is pushing a case for anything more. It’s strong relativism that I have misgivings about (as well as, in this case, the way the folks in the video seem to have overlooked controlling for factors other than the linguistic ones).
Well yeah, strong relativism is a steaming pile of nonsense. But I’m not sure that you need strong relativism to get future-oriented behaviour differences, weak priming effects could well add up over time to produce noticeable differences in amount of savings over a long period.
What kind of factors did you have in mind? As far as I know they controlled for country, city, religion, income, family values.. probably some other stuff I can’t remember. And at least some of the pairs of households he compared were in non-Western countries, again I can’t remember off the top of my head.
I agree that less-than-strong forms of relativism can have an effect; priming effects are well enough known that it would be downright weird if human language was somehow exempt. But, again, this comes down to the non-linguistic factors, and distinguishing their effects from the effects of linguistic priming.
I can’t address the specifics of how well they conducted their study—it’s something of a black box to me. However, the graph around 8:15 in the video shows some seriously wonky stuff that I will flat-out refuse to accept as properly controlled for measuring the effect of linguistic priming. Consider, for example, the fact that the average Swedish saving rate is ~24% , while in Norway they save ~32%, when we could be having the argument whether they even have separate languages (mutual intelligibility, etc.). Compare the various English-speaking countries, such as Canada and the US: extremely similar culturally and linguistically, yet we get differences. If they had really managed to set up the study so perfectly that language was the only variable, we shouldn’t be getting differences, or certainly not ones this salient.
Some country/language pairs do match up nicely; Sweden and Denmark are almost identical, and the same goes for the US and the UK. But the shortcomings of the graph call the whole thing into question; based on what I’m seeing, I don’t trust Chen et al. to be able to extract the linguistic differences from all the other factors. They’ve gone wrong somewhere, even if it’s impossible to say exactly where and exactly how much just by watching the video.
Grammatical gender can have weak priming effects. eg. if your language codes “bridge” as masculine, you’re more likely to describe one using words like “stout” and “strong”, as opposed to languages with feminine bridges that are likely to be “graceful” or “soaring”. If I recall correctly she also did some similar work with the way languages encode path and manner of movement (ie. in English I would say “he ran out of the room”, while in French it’s more like “he left the room running”).
There’s also a bunch of other related findings. eg. people generally conceptualise time/logical progressions as going in the same direction as their writing system, Russian speakers are faster to distinguish between light and dark blue than English speakers because in Russian they’re two distinct colours, that sort of thing.
I’m still on the fence about this Keith Chen stuff. Most of those tasks I just described involve verbal labelling/categorisation, so it’s not surprising to me that when you’re explicitly asked to come up with words for things you would be primed by what kind of words and structures your language has. Thinking about the future seems less language-dependent than that.
I’ve no problem stomaching these findings; I have no objections to weak priming effects, differences in ease or speed of categorization and the like, and it doesn’t seem like Boroditsky is pushing a case for anything more. It’s strong relativism that I have misgivings about (as well as, in this case, the way the folks in the video seem to have overlooked controlling for factors other than the linguistic ones).
Well yeah, strong relativism is a steaming pile of nonsense. But I’m not sure that you need strong relativism to get future-oriented behaviour differences, weak priming effects could well add up over time to produce noticeable differences in amount of savings over a long period.
What kind of factors did you have in mind? As far as I know they controlled for country, city, religion, income, family values.. probably some other stuff I can’t remember. And at least some of the pairs of households he compared were in non-Western countries, again I can’t remember off the top of my head.
I agree that less-than-strong forms of relativism can have an effect; priming effects are well enough known that it would be downright weird if human language was somehow exempt. But, again, this comes down to the non-linguistic factors, and distinguishing their effects from the effects of linguistic priming.
I can’t address the specifics of how well they conducted their study—it’s something of a black box to me. However, the graph around 8:15 in the video shows some seriously wonky stuff that I will flat-out refuse to accept as properly controlled for measuring the effect of linguistic priming. Consider, for example, the fact that the average Swedish saving rate is ~24% , while in Norway they save ~32%, when we could be having the argument whether they even have separate languages (mutual intelligibility, etc.). Compare the various English-speaking countries, such as Canada and the US: extremely similar culturally and linguistically, yet we get differences. If they had really managed to set up the study so perfectly that language was the only variable, we shouldn’t be getting differences, or certainly not ones this salient.
Some country/language pairs do match up nicely; Sweden and Denmark are almost identical, and the same goes for the US and the UK. But the shortcomings of the graph call the whole thing into question; based on what I’m seeing, I don’t trust Chen et al. to be able to extract the linguistic differences from all the other factors. They’ve gone wrong somewhere, even if it’s impossible to say exactly where and exactly how much just by watching the video.