There is a power imbalance in place. It’s not like NYT is engaging this side in its decision. It’s also true that NYT’s norms are self-serving while hurting others. And this community does not have anywhere near the power to “cancel” NYT. Even if we assume the “mistake theory”, making NYT hurt a bit (which is the strongest response this community can hope for) is necessary for creating a feedback loop. Mistakes are seldom corrected when their prices are paid by others.
This initially felt to me like it ignored some of the ramifications of its parent comment, but I’m also not sure the parent comment intended to imply them. So I would like to put forth the more specific idea that the line of action “there is a power imbalance, therefore, we have to amplify our motions by a large factor to counteract it, which is safe because we know we can’t do any real damage to them” may not be universally wrong but is still dangerous and, for those acting on the sort of charitability norms ESRogs/ricraz describe, requires a lot of extra scrutiny. Specifically, I think nonrigorously with medium confidence that:
This line of action can create a violence cascade if some of the assumptions are wrong. (And in this concrete context specifically, it is not clear to me that the assumptions are right enough.)
In the case of “soft power” (as opposed to, for instance, physical violence, where damage is more readily objectively measurable and is often decisive by way of shutting down capacity), this is much more true when there is a lot of “fog of war” going on, where perceptions of who has power over what and whom don’t have a lot of consensus. It is very easy to assume you’re in the weak position when you actually have more power than you think, and even if that power is only in some spheres, it can do lasting damage.
Some of the possible lasting damage is polarization cascades which operate independently of whether you can damage someone’s reputation in the “mainstream”: if each loosely-defined party over-updates on decrements to an opposing party’s reputation just among itself, this opens up a positive feedback loop.
In the case of decentralized Internet communities, it’s hard to tell how large the amplification factor is actually going to be unless there’s actually a control loop involved (such as a leader with the social credentials to say “our demands have been met, now we will stop shouting”).
In the presence of the ability of soft-power actions to “go viral” quickly and out of control from tiny sources, unilateralist’s curse amplifies all of the above for even very localized decisions about when to “put the hurt on”.
I think with less confidence that the existing polarization cascades across the Internet involve a growing memetic strain that incentivizes strategic perception of self as weak in the public sphere, so there’s some amount of “if you think you’re in the weak position and should hit back, it might also be your corrupted hardware emulating status-acquiring behavior” in there too.
At this point the specific SSC articles “Be Nice, At Least Until You Can Coordinate Meanness” and “The Toxoplasma of Rage” come to mind, but I don’t remember clearly enough whether they directly support any of this, and given Scott’s current position, I don’t feel like it would be appropriate for me to try to check directly.
I do think there are plausibly more concrete points against a “mistake theory”-like interpretation of the events. For instance, Scott reported the reporter describing that there was an NYT policy, and others say this is not actually true. But the reporter could have misspoken, which would still be a legitimate grievance against the reporter, but frames it in a different light. Or Scott could have subtly misrepeated the information; I am sure he tries to be careful, but does he get every such fact exactly right under the large stresses of an apparent threat?
So, I generally endorse “tread cautiously here”.
I also think Scott’s own suggestions of sending polite, private feedback to the NYT expressing disapproval of revealing Scott’s name are not unusually dangerous and do not have much potential for creating cascading damage per above, especially since “news organizations should be able to deal with floods of private feedback” is a well-established norm. So this shouldn’t be interpreted as a reason to suppress that.
this is precisely the argument that cancel culture often makes, often with good reason, with outside actors piling on what may have started as a parochial dispute.
There is a power imbalance in place. It’s not like NYT is engaging this side in its decision. It’s also true that NYT’s norms are self-serving while hurting others. And this community does not have anywhere near the power to “cancel” NYT. Even if we assume the “mistake theory”, making NYT hurt a bit (which is the strongest response this community can hope for) is necessary for creating a feedback loop. Mistakes are seldom corrected when their prices are paid by others.
This initially felt to me like it ignored some of the ramifications of its parent comment, but I’m also not sure the parent comment intended to imply them. So I would like to put forth the more specific idea that the line of action “there is a power imbalance, therefore, we have to amplify our motions by a large factor to counteract it, which is safe because we know we can’t do any real damage to them” may not be universally wrong but is still dangerous and, for those acting on the sort of charitability norms ESRogs/ricraz describe, requires a lot of extra scrutiny. Specifically, I think nonrigorously with medium confidence that:
This line of action can create a violence cascade if some of the assumptions are wrong. (And in this concrete context specifically, it is not clear to me that the assumptions are right enough.)
In the case of “soft power” (as opposed to, for instance, physical violence, where damage is more readily objectively measurable and is often decisive by way of shutting down capacity), this is much more true when there is a lot of “fog of war” going on, where perceptions of who has power over what and whom don’t have a lot of consensus. It is very easy to assume you’re in the weak position when you actually have more power than you think, and even if that power is only in some spheres, it can do lasting damage.
Some of the possible lasting damage is polarization cascades which operate independently of whether you can damage someone’s reputation in the “mainstream”: if each loosely-defined party over-updates on decrements to an opposing party’s reputation just among itself, this opens up a positive feedback loop.
In the case of decentralized Internet communities, it’s hard to tell how large the amplification factor is actually going to be unless there’s actually a control loop involved (such as a leader with the social credentials to say “our demands have been met, now we will stop shouting”).
In the presence of the ability of soft-power actions to “go viral” quickly and out of control from tiny sources, unilateralist’s curse amplifies all of the above for even very localized decisions about when to “put the hurt on”.
I think with less confidence that the existing polarization cascades across the Internet involve a growing memetic strain that incentivizes strategic perception of self as weak in the public sphere, so there’s some amount of “if you think you’re in the weak position and should hit back, it might also be your corrupted hardware emulating status-acquiring behavior” in there too.
At this point the specific SSC articles “Be Nice, At Least Until You Can Coordinate Meanness” and “The Toxoplasma of Rage” come to mind, but I don’t remember clearly enough whether they directly support any of this, and given Scott’s current position, I don’t feel like it would be appropriate for me to try to check directly.
I do think there are plausibly more concrete points against a “mistake theory”-like interpretation of the events. For instance, Scott reported the reporter describing that there was an NYT policy, and others say this is not actually true. But the reporter could have misspoken, which would still be a legitimate grievance against the reporter, but frames it in a different light. Or Scott could have subtly misrepeated the information; I am sure he tries to be careful, but does he get every such fact exactly right under the large stresses of an apparent threat?
So, I generally endorse “tread cautiously here”.
I also think Scott’s own suggestions of sending polite, private feedback to the NYT expressing disapproval of revealing Scott’s name are not unusually dangerous and do not have much potential for creating cascading damage per above, especially since “news organizations should be able to deal with floods of private feedback” is a well-established norm. So this shouldn’t be interpreted as a reason to suppress that.
this is precisely the argument that cancel culture often makes, often with good reason, with outside actors piling on what may have started as a parochial dispute.