1. Kamala Harris did run a bad campaign. She was ‘super popular’ at the start of the campaign (assuming you can trust the polls, though you mostly can’t), and ‘super unpopular’ losing definitively at the end of it. On September 17th, she was ahead by 2 points in polls, and in a little more than a month and a half she was down by that much in the vote. She lost so much ground. She had no good ads, no good policy positions, and was completely unconvincing to people who weren’t guaranteed to vote for her from the start. She had tons of money to get out all of this, but it was all wasted.
The fact that other incumbent parties did badly is not in fact proof that she was simply doomed, because there were so many people willing to give her a chance. It was her choice to run as the candidate who ‘couldn’t think of a single thing’ (not sure of exact quote) that she would do differently than Biden. Not a single thing!
Also, voters already punished Trump for Covid related stuff and blamed him. She was running against a person who was the Covid incumbent! And she couldn’t think of a single way to take advantage of that. No one believed her that inflation was Trump’s fault because she didn’t even make a real case for it. It was a bad campaign.
Not taking policy positions is not a good campaign when you are mostly known for bad ones. She didn’t run away very well from her unpopular positions from the past despite trying to be seen as moderate now.
I think the map you used is highly misleading. Just because there are some states that swung even more against her, doesn’t mean she did well in the others. You can say that losing so many supporters in clearly left states like California doesn’t matter, and neither does losing so many supporters in clearly right states like Texas, but thinking both that it doesn’t matter in terms of it being a negative, and that it does matter enough that you should ‘correct’ the data by it is obviously bad.
2.Some polls were bad, some were not. Ho hum. But that Iowa poll was really something else. (I don’t have a particular opinion on why she screwed up, aside from the fact that no one wants to be that far off if they have any pride.) She should have separately told people she thought the poll was wrong if she thought it was, did she do that? (I genuinely don’t know.) I do think you should ignore her if she doesn’t fix her methodology to account for nonresponse bias, because very few people actually answer polls. An intereting way might be to run a poll that just asks something like ‘are you male or female?’ or ‘are you a democrat of Republican?’ and so on so you can figure out those variables for the given election on both separate polls and on the ‘who are you voting for’ polls. If those numbers don’t match, something is weird about the polls.
I think it is important to note that people thought the polls would be closer this time by a lot than before (because otherwise everyone would have predicted a landslide due to them being close.) You said, “Some people went into the 2024 election fearing that pollsters had not adequately corrected for the sources of bias that had plagued them in 2016 and 2020.” but I mostly heard the opposite from those who weren’t staunch supporters of Trump. I think the idea of how corrections had gone before we got the results was mostly partisan. Many people were sure they had been fully fixed (or overcorrected) for bias and this was not true, so people act like they are clearly off (which they were). Most people genuinely thought this was a much closer race than it turned out to be.
The margin of being off was smaller than in the past trump elections, I’ll agree, but I think it is mostly the bias people are keying on rather than the absolute error. The polls have been heavily biased on average for the past three presidential cycles, and this time was still clearly biased (even if less so). With absolute error but no bias, you can just take more or larger polls, but with bias, especially an unknowable amount of bias, it is very hard to just improve things. Also, the ‘moderate’ bias is still larger than 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012.
My personal theory is that the polls are mostly biased against Trump personally because it is more difficult to get good numbers on him due to interacting strangely with the electorate as compared to previous Republicans (perhaps because he isn’t really a member of the same party they were), but obviously we don’t actually know why. If the Trump realignment sticks around, perhaps they’ll do better correcting for it later.
I do think part of the bias is the pollsters reacting to uncertainty about how to correct for things by going with the results they prefer, but I don’t personally think that is the main issue here.
3.Your claim that ‘Theo’ was just lucky because neighbor polls are nonsense doesn’t seem accurate. For one thing, neighbor polls aren’t nonsense. They actually give you a lot more information than ‘who are you voting for’. (Though they are speculative.) You can easily correct for how many neighbors someone has too and where they live using data on where people live, and you can also just ask ‘what percentage of your neighbors are likely to vote for’ to correct for the fact that it is different percentages of support.
As a separate point, a lot of people think the validity of neighbor polls comes from people believing that the respondents are largely revealing their own personal vote, though I have some issues with that explanation.
So, one bad poll with an extreme definition of ‘neighbor’ negates neighbor voting and many bad polls don’t negate traditional? Also, Theo already had access to the normal polls as did everyone else. Even if a neighbor poll for some reason exaggerates the difference, as long as it is in the right direction, it is still evidence of what direction the polls are wrong in.
Keep in mind that the chance of Trump winning was much higher than traditional polls said. Just because Theo won with his bets doesn’t mean you should believe he’d be right again, but claiming that it is ‘just lucky’ is a bad idea epistemologically, because you don’t know what information he had that you don’t.
4.I agree, we don’t know whether or not the campaigns spent money wisely. The strengths and weaknesses of the candidates seemed to not rely much on the amount of money they spent, which likely does indicate they were somewhat wasteful on both sides, but it is hard to tell.
5.Is Trump a good candidate or a bad one? In some ways both. He is very charismatic in the sense of making everyone pay attention to him, which motivates both his potential supporters and potential foes to both become actual supporters and foes respectively. He also acts in ways his opponents find hard to counter, but turn off a significant number of people. An election with Trump in it is an election about Trump, whether that is good or bad for his chances.
I think it would be fairer to say Trump got unlucky with election that he lost than that he was lucky to win this one. Trump was the covid incumbent who got kicked out because of it despite having an otherwise successful first term.
We don’t usually call a bad opponent luck in this manner. Harris was a quasi-incumbent from a badly performing administration who was herself a laughingstock for most of the term. She was partially chosen as a reaction to Trump! (So he made his own luck! if this is luck.)
His opponent in 2016 was obviously a bad candidate too, but again, that isn’t so much ‘luck’. Look closely at the graph for Clinton. Her unfavorability went way up when Trump ran against her. This is also a good example of a candidate making their own ‘luck’. He was effective in his campaign to make people dislike her more.
6.Yeah, money isn’t the biggest deal, but it probably did help Kamala. She isn’t any good at drawing attention just by existing like Trump, so she really needed it. Most people aren’t always the center of attention, so money almost always does matter to an extent.
7.I agree that your opinion of Americans shouldn’t really change much by being a few points different than expected in a vote either way, especially since each individual person making the judgement is almost 50% likely to be wrong anyway! If the candidates weren’t identically as good, at least as many as the lower of the two were ‘wrong’ (if you assume one correct choice regardless of person reasons) and it could easily be everyone who didn’t vote for the lower. If they were identically as good, then it can’t be that voting for one of them over the other should matter to your opinion of them. I have an opinion on which candidate was ‘wrong’ of course, but it doesn’t really matter to the point (though I am freely willing to admit that it is the opposite of yours).
1. Kamala Harris did run a bad campaign. She was ‘super popular’ at the start of the campaign (assuming you can trust the polls, though you mostly can’t), and ‘super unpopular’ losing definitively at the end of it. On September 17th, she was ahead by 2 points in polls, and in a little more than a month and a half she was down by that much in the vote. She lost so much ground. She had no good ads, no good policy positions, and was completely unconvincing to people who weren’t guaranteed to vote for her from the start. She had tons of money to get out all of this, but it was all wasted.
The fact that other incumbent parties did badly is not in fact proof that she was simply doomed, because there were so many people willing to give her a chance. It was her choice to run as the candidate who ‘couldn’t think of a single thing’ (not sure of exact quote) that she would do differently than Biden. Not a single thing!
Also, voters already punished Trump for Covid related stuff and blamed him. She was running against a person who was the Covid incumbent! And she couldn’t think of a single way to take advantage of that. No one believed her that inflation was Trump’s fault because she didn’t even make a real case for it. It was a bad campaign.
Not taking policy positions is not a good campaign when you are mostly known for bad ones. She didn’t run away very well from her unpopular positions from the past despite trying to be seen as moderate now.
I think the map you used is highly misleading. Just because there are some states that swung even more against her, doesn’t mean she did well in the others. You can say that losing so many supporters in clearly left states like California doesn’t matter, and neither does losing so many supporters in clearly right states like Texas, but thinking both that it doesn’t matter in terms of it being a negative, and that it does matter enough that you should ‘correct’ the data by it is obviously bad.
2.Some polls were bad, some were not. Ho hum. But that Iowa poll was really something else. (I don’t have a particular opinion on why she screwed up, aside from the fact that no one wants to be that far off if they have any pride.) She should have separately told people she thought the poll was wrong if she thought it was, did she do that? (I genuinely don’t know.) I do think you should ignore her if she doesn’t fix her methodology to account for nonresponse bias, because very few people actually answer polls. An intereting way might be to run a poll that just asks something like ‘are you male or female?’ or ‘are you a democrat of Republican?’ and so on so you can figure out those variables for the given election on both separate polls and on the ‘who are you voting for’ polls. If those numbers don’t match, something is weird about the polls.
I think it is important to note that people thought the polls would be closer this time by a lot than before (because otherwise everyone would have predicted a landslide due to them being close.) You said, “Some people went into the 2024 election fearing that pollsters had not adequately corrected for the sources of bias that had plagued them in 2016 and 2020.” but I mostly heard the opposite from those who weren’t staunch supporters of Trump. I think the idea of how corrections had gone before we got the results was mostly partisan. Many people were sure they had been fully fixed (or overcorrected) for bias and this was not true, so people act like they are clearly off (which they were). Most people genuinely thought this was a much closer race than it turned out to be.
The margin of being off was smaller than in the past trump elections, I’ll agree, but I think it is mostly the bias people are keying on rather than the absolute error. The polls have been heavily biased on average for the past three presidential cycles, and this time was still clearly biased (even if less so). With absolute error but no bias, you can just take more or larger polls, but with bias, especially an unknowable amount of bias, it is very hard to just improve things. Also, the ‘moderate’ bias is still larger than 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012.
My personal theory is that the polls are mostly biased against Trump personally because it is more difficult to get good numbers on him due to interacting strangely with the electorate as compared to previous Republicans (perhaps because he isn’t really a member of the same party they were), but obviously we don’t actually know why. If the Trump realignment sticks around, perhaps they’ll do better correcting for it later.
I do think part of the bias is the pollsters reacting to uncertainty about how to correct for things by going with the results they prefer, but I don’t personally think that is the main issue here.
3.Your claim that ‘Theo’ was just lucky because neighbor polls are nonsense doesn’t seem accurate. For one thing, neighbor polls aren’t nonsense. They actually give you a lot more information than ‘who are you voting for’. (Though they are speculative.) You can easily correct for how many neighbors someone has too and where they live using data on where people live, and you can also just ask ‘what percentage of your neighbors are likely to vote for’ to correct for the fact that it is different percentages of support.
As a separate point, a lot of people think the validity of neighbor polls comes from people believing that the respondents are largely revealing their own personal vote, though I have some issues with that explanation.
So, one bad poll with an extreme definition of ‘neighbor’ negates neighbor voting and many bad polls don’t negate traditional? Also, Theo already had access to the normal polls as did everyone else. Even if a neighbor poll for some reason exaggerates the difference, as long as it is in the right direction, it is still evidence of what direction the polls are wrong in.
Keep in mind that the chance of Trump winning was much higher than traditional polls said. Just because Theo won with his bets doesn’t mean you should believe he’d be right again, but claiming that it is ‘just lucky’ is a bad idea epistemologically, because you don’t know what information he had that you don’t.
4.I agree, we don’t know whether or not the campaigns spent money wisely. The strengths and weaknesses of the candidates seemed to not rely much on the amount of money they spent, which likely does indicate they were somewhat wasteful on both sides, but it is hard to tell.
5.Is Trump a good candidate or a bad one? In some ways both. He is very charismatic in the sense of making everyone pay attention to him, which motivates both his potential supporters and potential foes to both become actual supporters and foes respectively. He also acts in ways his opponents find hard to counter, but turn off a significant number of people. An election with Trump in it is an election about Trump, whether that is good or bad for his chances.
I think it would be fairer to say Trump got unlucky with election that he lost than that he was lucky to win this one. Trump was the covid incumbent who got kicked out because of it despite having an otherwise successful first term.
We don’t usually call a bad opponent luck in this manner. Harris was a quasi-incumbent from a badly performing administration who was herself a laughingstock for most of the term. She was partially chosen as a reaction to Trump! (So he made his own luck! if this is luck.)
His opponent in 2016 was obviously a bad candidate too, but again, that isn’t so much ‘luck’. Look closely at the graph for Clinton. Her unfavorability went way up when Trump ran against her. This is also a good example of a candidate making their own ‘luck’. He was effective in his campaign to make people dislike her more.
6.Yeah, money isn’t the biggest deal, but it probably did help Kamala. She isn’t any good at drawing attention just by existing like Trump, so she really needed it. Most people aren’t always the center of attention, so money almost always does matter to an extent.
7.I agree that your opinion of Americans shouldn’t really change much by being a few points different than expected in a vote either way, especially since each individual person making the judgement is almost 50% likely to be wrong anyway! If the candidates weren’t identically as good, at least as many as the lower of the two were ‘wrong’ (if you assume one correct choice regardless of person reasons) and it could easily be everyone who didn’t vote for the lower. If they were identically as good, then it can’t be that voting for one of them over the other should matter to your opinion of them. I have an opinion on which candidate was ‘wrong’ of course, but it doesn’t really matter to the point (though I am freely willing to admit that it is the opposite of yours).