Just because the average person disapproves of a protest tactic doesn’t mean that the tactic didn’t work. See Roger Hallam’s “Designing the Revolution” series for the thought process underlying the soup-throwing protests. Reasonable people may disagree (I disagree with quite a few things he says), but if you don’t know the arguments, any objection is going to miss the point. The series is very long, so here’s a tl/dr:
- If the public response is: “I’m all for the cause those protestors are advocating, but I can’t stand their methods” notice that the first half of this statement was approval of the only thing that matters—approval of the cause itself, as separate from the methods, which brought the former to mind. - The fact that only a small minority of the audience approves of the protest action is in itself a good thing, because this efficiently filters for people who are inclined to join the activist movement—especially on the hard-core “front lines”—whereas passive “supporters” can be more trouble than they’re worth. These high-value supporters don’t need to be convinced that the cause is right; they need to be convinced that the organization is the “real deal” and can actually get things done. In short, it’s niche marketing. - The disruptive protest model assumes that the democratic system is insufficient, ineffective, or corrupted, such that simply convincing the (passive) center majority is not likely to translate into meaningful policy change. The model instead relies on a putting the powers-that-be into a bind where they have to either ignore you (in which case you keep growing with impunity) or over-react (in which case you leverage public sympathy to grow faster). Again, it isn’t important how sympathic the protestors are, only that the reaction against them is comparatively worse, from the perspective of the niche audience that matters. - The ultimate purpose of this recursive growth model is to create a power bloc that forces changes that wouldn’t otherwise occur on any reasonable timeline through ordinary democratic means (like voting) alone. - Hallam presents incremental and disruptive advocacy as in opposition. This is where I most strongly disagree with his thesis. IMO: moderates get results, but operate within the boundaries defined by extremists, so they need to learn how to work together.
In short, when you say an action makes a cause “look low status”, it is important to ask “to whom?” and “is that segment of the audience relevant to my context?”
efficiently filters for people who are inclined to join the activist movement—especially on the hard-core “front lines”—whereas passive “supporters” can be more trouble than they’re worth.
I had not considered how our messaging is filtering out non-committed supporters. Interesting!
Just because the average person disapproves of a protest tactic doesn’t mean that the tactic didn’t work. See Roger Hallam’s “Designing the Revolution” series for the thought process underlying the soup-throwing protests. Reasonable people may disagree (I disagree with quite a few things he says), but if you don’t know the arguments, any objection is going to miss the point. The series is very long, so here’s a tl/dr:
- If the public response is: “I’m all for the cause those protestors are advocating, but I can’t stand their methods” notice that the first half of this statement was approval of the only thing that matters—approval of the cause itself, as separate from the methods, which brought the former to mind.
- The fact that only a small minority of the audience approves of the protest action is in itself a good thing, because this efficiently filters for people who are inclined to join the activist movement—especially on the hard-core “front lines”—whereas passive “supporters” can be more trouble than they’re worth. These high-value supporters don’t need to be convinced that the cause is right; they need to be convinced that the organization is the “real deal” and can actually get things done. In short, it’s niche marketing.
- The disruptive protest model assumes that the democratic system is insufficient, ineffective, or corrupted, such that simply convincing the (passive) center majority is not likely to translate into meaningful policy change. The model instead relies on a putting the powers-that-be into a bind where they have to either ignore you (in which case you keep growing with impunity) or over-react (in which case you leverage public sympathy to grow faster). Again, it isn’t important how sympathic the protestors are, only that the reaction against them is comparatively worse, from the perspective of the niche audience that matters.
- The ultimate purpose of this recursive growth model is to create a power bloc that forces changes that wouldn’t otherwise occur on any reasonable timeline through ordinary democratic means (like voting) alone.
- Hallam presents incremental and disruptive advocacy as in opposition. This is where I most strongly disagree with his thesis. IMO: moderates get results, but operate within the boundaries defined by extremists, so they need to learn how to work together.
In short, when you say an action makes a cause “look low status”, it is important to ask “to whom?” and “is that segment of the audience relevant to my context?”
I had not considered how our messaging is filtering out non-committed supporters. Interesting!