To be clear, all I’m saying is “there’s is something to comparative advantage worth learning from which seems to bear out the more general ‘zero sum bias’ idea” and your position seems to be a much stronger (and due to over-reaching, false) claim that comparative advantage is some kind of silly intellectual fashion among pointy headed intellectuals that should never even be mentioned without heaping portions of warning and quibble on the side.
I actually don’t see how these claims are contradictory, and in fact, I’d say they are both true. Yes, comparative advantage is a non-trivial insight that has something useful to say about certain situations that occur in the real world. However, at the same time, it is used in an entirely wrong-headed way by many intellectuals, as a supposedly conclusive argument for things that it simply does not imply. At worst, and sadly quite often, it is thrown around as an entirely empty-headed ideological shibboleth. The typical mention of comparative advantage you’ll see in practice, even by economists, barely rises above the level of “Brawndo’s got electrolytes!”
After all, what does the principle of comparative advantage say? It’s equivalent to the simple mathematical observation that if a1, a2, b1, and b2 are positive real numbers such that a1/a2 < b1/b2, then for any positive d1,d2 such that b2/a2 < d1/d2 < b1/a1, we’ll have d2b1 > d1a1 and d1a2 > d2b2, and this is also true in the special case when a1 > b1 and a2 > b2. (In the standard Ricardian example, the a’s and b’s are the coefficients of proportion between labor and production for each good in each country, under the assumption that production is a linear function of labor put into it, and d’s are the amounts of labor that shift between the goods in each country when trade emerges.)
Now, as I said, there really is some non-trivial insight to be gathered here. But if you believe that this simple piece of math is enough to model what actually happens when trade is liberalized or some other bearer of absolute advantage appears on the market, always and in all possible circumstances, and if you don’t see various critical unrealistic assumptions and all the numerous relevant variables that don’t even get considered by the model, then with all due respect, I can only conclude that you haven’t thought about it much.
Nearly all of the content in the paper you linked to was quibbles and carping and fear mongering. There was no clear and robust explanation of why comparative advantage was simply a crock of feces that no one should ever even link to.
Imagine an engineer designing a house, and using the Pythagorean theorem several times in the statics calculations. When some people ask him whether he’s really sure that the triangles in question are right-angled, and point out that some of them look suspiciously obtuse or acute, he brushes this off as “quibbles”—and when they point out that the roof might collapse on their heads if he makes a mistake, he accuses them of “fear-mongering.” I think this is a fair analogy for your above comment.
Prasch’s paper clearly enumerates several assumptions that are an essential part of the theory of comparative advantage, and questions whether they hold in reality. Some of these criticisms may well be flawed, and in fact I’d say some of them indeed are. But if only some of them are correct, it is enough to make the theory inapplicable in at least some real-world situations. When a theory that is supposed to provide real-world guidance is criticized, the critics don’t need to provide robust and systematic alternatives. What you call “quibbles” are more than enough.
If something benefits 20 people a quite a bit, and it benefits them more than it hurts one person who wants to veto all of their ability to trade with each other (rather than trade with the one person), then I say that the one person should look at themselves in the mirror and feel guilty. They should train for a new job (and maybe should be given a kickback from the profits for retraining) and bring on the efficiency! :-)
You seem to be falling into what I like to call the neoliberal fallacy. You are speaking as if we were one step away from a global economic-textbook-model libertarian utopia, with only those pesky trade barriers separating us from it. Yeah, if we were in such a position, I’d also say, to hell with them. But in reality, the situation is far more complex in many ways that even the most sophisticated economic models, let alone simplistic comparative-advantage arguments, are utterly incapable of taking into account. Therefore, some humility and recognition of the law of unintended consequences would definitely be in order.
And to underly the other crucial point again: even if the assumptions of the comparative advantage theory are true, and the trade will lead to a Kaldor-Hicks improvement, this can still mean that 19 out of 20 people get screwed over in any given country. To show that this won’t happen, you cannot just invoke comparative advantage.
JenniferRM:
I actually don’t see how these claims are contradictory, and in fact, I’d say they are both true. Yes, comparative advantage is a non-trivial insight that has something useful to say about certain situations that occur in the real world. However, at the same time, it is used in an entirely wrong-headed way by many intellectuals, as a supposedly conclusive argument for things that it simply does not imply. At worst, and sadly quite often, it is thrown around as an entirely empty-headed ideological shibboleth. The typical mention of comparative advantage you’ll see in practice, even by economists, barely rises above the level of “Brawndo’s got electrolytes!”
After all, what does the principle of comparative advantage say? It’s equivalent to the simple mathematical observation that if a1, a2, b1, and b2 are positive real numbers such that a1/a2 < b1/b2, then for any positive d1,d2 such that b2/a2 < d1/d2 < b1/a1, we’ll have d2b1 > d1a1 and d1a2 > d2b2, and this is also true in the special case when a1 > b1 and a2 > b2. (In the standard Ricardian example, the a’s and b’s are the coefficients of proportion between labor and production for each good in each country, under the assumption that production is a linear function of labor put into it, and d’s are the amounts of labor that shift between the goods in each country when trade emerges.)
Now, as I said, there really is some non-trivial insight to be gathered here. But if you believe that this simple piece of math is enough to model what actually happens when trade is liberalized or some other bearer of absolute advantage appears on the market, always and in all possible circumstances, and if you don’t see various critical unrealistic assumptions and all the numerous relevant variables that don’t even get considered by the model, then with all due respect, I can only conclude that you haven’t thought about it much.
Imagine an engineer designing a house, and using the Pythagorean theorem several times in the statics calculations. When some people ask him whether he’s really sure that the triangles in question are right-angled, and point out that some of them look suspiciously obtuse or acute, he brushes this off as “quibbles”—and when they point out that the roof might collapse on their heads if he makes a mistake, he accuses them of “fear-mongering.” I think this is a fair analogy for your above comment.
Prasch’s paper clearly enumerates several assumptions that are an essential part of the theory of comparative advantage, and questions whether they hold in reality. Some of these criticisms may well be flawed, and in fact I’d say some of them indeed are. But if only some of them are correct, it is enough to make the theory inapplicable in at least some real-world situations. When a theory that is supposed to provide real-world guidance is criticized, the critics don’t need to provide robust and systematic alternatives. What you call “quibbles” are more than enough.
You seem to be falling into what I like to call the neoliberal fallacy. You are speaking as if we were one step away from a global economic-textbook-model libertarian utopia, with only those pesky trade barriers separating us from it. Yeah, if we were in such a position, I’d also say, to hell with them. But in reality, the situation is far more complex in many ways that even the most sophisticated economic models, let alone simplistic comparative-advantage arguments, are utterly incapable of taking into account. Therefore, some humility and recognition of the law of unintended consequences would definitely be in order.
And to underly the other crucial point again: even if the assumptions of the comparative advantage theory are true, and the trade will lead to a Kaldor-Hicks improvement, this can still mean that 19 out of 20 people get screwed over in any given country. To show that this won’t happen, you cannot just invoke comparative advantage.