The object-level content of these norms is different in different cultures and subcultures and times, for sure. But the special way that we relate to these norms has an innate aspect; it’s not just a logical consequence of existing and having goals etc. How do I know? Well, the hypothesis “if X is generally a good idea, then we’ll internalize X and consider not-X to be dreadfully wrong and condemnable” is easily falsified by considering any other aspect of life that doesn’t involve what other people will think of you.
To be clear, I didn’t mean to propose the specific mechanism of: if some behavior has a selfish consequence, then people will internalize that class of behaviors in moral terms rather than in purely practical terms. In other words, I am not saying that all relevant behaviors get internalized this way. I agree that only some behaviors are internalized by people in moral terms, and other behaviors do not get internalized in terms of moral principles in the way I described.
Admittedly, my statement was imprecise, but my intention in that quote was merely to convey that people tend to internalize certain behaviors in terms of moral principles, which explains the fact that people don’t immediately abandon their habits when the environment suddenly shifts. However, I was silent on the question of which selfishly useful behaviors get internalized this way and which ones don’t.
A good starting hypothesis is that people internalize certain behaviors in moral terms if they are taught to see those behaviors in moral terms. This ties into your theory that people “have an innate drive to notice, internalize, endorse, and take pride in following social norms”. We are not taught to see “reaching into your wallet and shredding a dollar” as impinging on moral principles, so people don’t tend to internalize the behavior that way. Yet, we are taught to see punching someone in the face as impinging on a moral principle. However, this hypothesis still leaves much to be explained, as it doesn’t tell us which behaviors we will tend to be taught about in moral terms, and which ones we won’t be taught in moral terms.
As a deeper, perhaps evolutionary explanation, I suspect that internalizing certain behaviors in moral terms helps make our commitments to other people more credible: if someone thinks you’re not going to steal from them because you think it’s genuinely wrong to steal, then they’re more likely to trust you with their stuff than if they think you merely recognize the practical utility of not stealing from them. This explanation hints at the idea that we will tend to internalize certain behaviors in moral terms if those behaviors are both selfishly relevant, and important for earning trust among other agents in the world. This is my best guess at what explains the rough outlines of human morality that we see in most societies.
I’m not sure what “largely” means here. I hope we can agree that our objectives are selfish in some ways and unselfish in other ways.
Parents generally like their children, above and beyond the fact that their children might give them yummy food and shelter in old age. People generally form friendships, and want their friends to not get tortured, above and beyond the fact that having their friends not get tortured could lead to more yummy food and shelter later on. Etc.
In that sentence, I meant “largely selfish” as a stand-in for what I think humans-by-default care overwhelmingly about, which is something like “themselves, their family, their friends, and their tribe, in rough descending order of importance”. The problem is that I am not aware of any word in the English language to describe people who have these desires, except perhaps the word “normal”.
The word selfish usually denotes someone who is preoccupied with their own feelings, and is unconcerned with anyone else. We both agree that humans are not entirely selfish. Nonetheless, the opposite word, altruistic, often denotes someone who is preoccupied with the general social good, and who cares about strangers, not merely their own family and friend circles. This is especially the case in philosophical discussions in which one defines altruism in terms of impartial benevolence to all sentient life, which is extremely far from an accurate description of the typical human.
Humans exist on a spectrum between these two extremes. We are not perfectly selfish, nor are we perfectly altruistic. However, we are generally closer to the ideal of perfect selfishness than to the ideal of perfect altruism, given the fact that our own family, friend group, and tribe tends to be only a small part of the entire world. This is why I used the language of “largely selfish” rather than something else.
Honest question: Suppose that my friends and other people whom I like and respect and trust all believe that genocide is very bad. I find myself (subconsciously) motivated to fit in with them, and I wind up adopting their belief that genocide is very bad. And then I take corresponding actions, by writing letters to politicians urging military intervention in Myanmar.
In your view, would that count as “selfish” because I “selfishly” benefit from ideologically fitting in with my friends and trusted leaders? Or would it count as “altruistic” because I am now moved by the suffering of some ethnic group across the world that I’ve never met and can’t even pronounce?
It is not always an expression of selfish motives when people take a stance against genocide. I would even go as far as saying that, in the majority of cases, people genuinely have non-selfish motives when taking that position. That is, they actually do care, to at least some degree, about the genocide, beyond the fact that signaling their concern helps them fit in with their friend group.
Nonetheless, and this is important: few people are willing to pay substantial selfish costs in order to prevent genocides that are socially distant from them.
The theory I am advancing here does not rest on the idea that people aren’t genuine in their desire for faraway strangers to be better off. Rather, my theory is that people generally care little about such strangers, when helping those strangers trades off significantly against objectives that are closer to themselves, their family, friend group, and their own tribe.
Or, put another way, distant strangers usually get little weight in our utility function. Our family, and our own happiness, by contrast, usually get a much larger weight.
The core element of my theory concerns the amount that people care about themselves (and their family, friends, and tribe) versus other people, not whether they care about other people at all.
Hmm. I think you’re understating the tendency of most people to follow prevailing norms, and yet your main conclusion is partly right. I think there are interesting dynamics happening at two levels simultaneously—the level of individual decisions, and the level of cultural evolution—and your comment is kinda conflating those levels.
So here’s how I would put things:
Most people care very very strongly about doing things that would look good in the eyes of the people they respect. They don’t think of it that way, though—it doesn’t feel like that’s what they’re doing, and indeed they would be offended by that suggestion. Instead, those things just feel like the right and appropriate things to do. This is related to and upstream of norm-following. This is an innate drive, part of human nature built into our brain by evolution.
Also, most people also have various other innate drives that lead to them feeling motivated to eat when hungry, to avoid pain, to bond with friends, for parents to love their children and adolescents to disrespect their parents (but respect their slightly-older friends), and much else.
(But there’s person-to-person variation, and in particular some small fraction of people are sociopaths who just don’t feel intrinsically motivated by (1) at all.)
The norms of (1) can be totally arbitrary. If the people I respect think that genocide is bad, then probably so do I. If they think genocide is awesome, then probably so do I. If they think it’s super-cool to hop backwards on one foot, then probably so do I.
…But (2) provides a constant force gently pushing norms towards behavioral patterns that match up with innate tendencies in (2). So we tend to wind up with cultural norms that line up with avoiding pain, eating-when-hungry, bonding with friends, and so on.
…But not perfectly, because there are other forces acting on norms too, such as game-theoretic signaling equilibria or whatever. These enable the existence of widespread norms with aspects that run counter to aspects of (2)—think of religious fasting, initiation rites, etc.
When (4),(5),(6) play out in some group or society, some norms will “win” over others, and the norms that “win” are probably (to some extent) a priori predictable from structural aspects of the situation—homogeneity, mobility, technology, whatever.
To be clear, I didn’t mean to propose the specific mechanism of: if some behavior has a selfish consequence, then people will internalize that class of behaviors in moral terms rather than in purely practical terms. In other words, I am not saying that all relevant behaviors get internalized this way. I agree that only some behaviors are internalized by people in moral terms, and other behaviors do not get internalized in terms of moral principles in the way I described.
Admittedly, my statement was imprecise, but my intention in that quote was merely to convey that people tend to internalize certain behaviors in terms of moral principles, which explains the fact that people don’t immediately abandon their habits when the environment suddenly shifts. However, I was silent on the question of which selfishly useful behaviors get internalized this way and which ones don’t.
A good starting hypothesis is that people internalize certain behaviors in moral terms if they are taught to see those behaviors in moral terms. This ties into your theory that people “have an innate drive to notice, internalize, endorse, and take pride in following social norms”. We are not taught to see “reaching into your wallet and shredding a dollar” as impinging on moral principles, so people don’t tend to internalize the behavior that way. Yet, we are taught to see punching someone in the face as impinging on a moral principle. However, this hypothesis still leaves much to be explained, as it doesn’t tell us which behaviors we will tend to be taught about in moral terms, and which ones we won’t be taught in moral terms.
As a deeper, perhaps evolutionary explanation, I suspect that internalizing certain behaviors in moral terms helps make our commitments to other people more credible: if someone thinks you’re not going to steal from them because you think it’s genuinely wrong to steal, then they’re more likely to trust you with their stuff than if they think you merely recognize the practical utility of not stealing from them. This explanation hints at the idea that we will tend to internalize certain behaviors in moral terms if those behaviors are both selfishly relevant, and important for earning trust among other agents in the world. This is my best guess at what explains the rough outlines of human morality that we see in most societies.
In that sentence, I meant “largely selfish” as a stand-in for what I think humans-by-default care overwhelmingly about, which is something like “themselves, their family, their friends, and their tribe, in rough descending order of importance”. The problem is that I am not aware of any word in the English language to describe people who have these desires, except perhaps the word “normal”.
The word selfish usually denotes someone who is preoccupied with their own feelings, and is unconcerned with anyone else. We both agree that humans are not entirely selfish. Nonetheless, the opposite word, altruistic, often denotes someone who is preoccupied with the general social good, and who cares about strangers, not merely their own family and friend circles. This is especially the case in philosophical discussions in which one defines altruism in terms of impartial benevolence to all sentient life, which is extremely far from an accurate description of the typical human.
Humans exist on a spectrum between these two extremes. We are not perfectly selfish, nor are we perfectly altruistic. However, we are generally closer to the ideal of perfect selfishness than to the ideal of perfect altruism, given the fact that our own family, friend group, and tribe tends to be only a small part of the entire world. This is why I used the language of “largely selfish” rather than something else.
Honest question: Suppose that my friends and other people whom I like and respect and trust all believe that genocide is very bad. I find myself (subconsciously) motivated to fit in with them, and I wind up adopting their belief that genocide is very bad. And then I take corresponding actions, by writing letters to politicians urging military intervention in Myanmar.
In your view, would that count as “selfish” because I “selfishly” benefit from ideologically fitting in with my friends and trusted leaders? Or would it count as “altruistic” because I am now moved by the suffering of some ethnic group across the world that I’ve never met and can’t even pronounce?
It is not always an expression of selfish motives when people take a stance against genocide. I would even go as far as saying that, in the majority of cases, people genuinely have non-selfish motives when taking that position. That is, they actually do care, to at least some degree, about the genocide, beyond the fact that signaling their concern helps them fit in with their friend group.
Nonetheless, and this is important: few people are willing to pay substantial selfish costs in order to prevent genocides that are socially distant from them.
The theory I am advancing here does not rest on the idea that people aren’t genuine in their desire for faraway strangers to be better off. Rather, my theory is that people generally care little about such strangers, when helping those strangers trades off significantly against objectives that are closer to themselves, their family, friend group, and their own tribe.
Or, put another way, distant strangers usually get little weight in our utility function. Our family, and our own happiness, by contrast, usually get a much larger weight.
The core element of my theory concerns the amount that people care about themselves (and their family, friends, and tribe) versus other people, not whether they care about other people at all.
Hmm. I think you’re understating the tendency of most people to follow prevailing norms, and yet your main conclusion is partly right. I think there are interesting dynamics happening at two levels simultaneously—the level of individual decisions, and the level of cultural evolution—and your comment is kinda conflating those levels.
So here’s how I would put things:
Most people care very very strongly about doing things that would look good in the eyes of the people they respect. They don’t think of it that way, though—it doesn’t feel like that’s what they’re doing, and indeed they would be offended by that suggestion. Instead, those things just feel like the right and appropriate things to do. This is related to and upstream of norm-following. This is an innate drive, part of human nature built into our brain by evolution.
Also, most people also have various other innate drives that lead to them feeling motivated to eat when hungry, to avoid pain, to bond with friends, for parents to love their children and adolescents to disrespect their parents (but respect their slightly-older friends), and much else.
(But there’s person-to-person variation, and in particular some small fraction of people are sociopaths who just don’t feel intrinsically motivated by (1) at all.)
The norms of (1) can be totally arbitrary. If the people I respect think that genocide is bad, then probably so do I. If they think genocide is awesome, then probably so do I. If they think it’s super-cool to hop backwards on one foot, then probably so do I.
…But (2) provides a constant force gently pushing norms towards behavioral patterns that match up with innate tendencies in (2). So we tend to wind up with cultural norms that line up with avoiding pain, eating-when-hungry, bonding with friends, and so on.
…But not perfectly, because there are other forces acting on norms too, such as game-theoretic signaling equilibria or whatever. These enable the existence of widespread norms with aspects that run counter to aspects of (2)—think of religious fasting, initiation rites, etc.
When (4),(5),(6) play out in some group or society, some norms will “win” over others, and the norms that “win” are probably (to some extent) a priori predictable from structural aspects of the situation—homogeneity, mobility, technology, whatever.