Considering that your response relies heavily on deciding who is or isn’t “demotist”, it might help to address Yvain’s criticism that the idea isn’t a well-defined one. The issue of monarchs who claim to speak for the people is a serious one. Simply labeling dictators one doesn’t like a demotist doesn’t really do much. Similarly, your response also apparently ignores Yvain’s discussion of the British monarchy.
Napoleon was a populist Revolutionary leader. That should be well-understood.
I’m not convinced that this is a meaningful category. It is similarly connected to how you blame assassins and other issues on the populist revolutions: if historically monarchies lead to these repeatedly, then there’s a definite problem in saying that that’s the fault of the demotist tendencies, when the same things have not by and large happens in democracies once they’ve been around for a few years.
Also, while Napoleon styled himself as a populist revolutionary leader, he came to power from the coup of 18 Brumaire, through military strength, not reliance on the common people. In fact, many historians see that event as the end of the French Revolution.
While I understand that responding to everything Yvain has to say is difficult, I’d rather read a complete and persuasive response three months from now than an unpersuasive one right now. By all means, feel free to take your time if you need it.
Here: Response to Yvain on “Anti-Reactionary FAQ”: Lightning Round, Part 2 — Austrian Edition.
Considering that your response relies heavily on deciding who is or isn’t “demotist”, it might help to address Yvain’s criticism that the idea isn’t a well-defined one. The issue of monarchs who claim to speak for the people is a serious one. Simply labeling dictators one doesn’t like a demotist doesn’t really do much. Similarly, your response also apparently ignores Yvain’s discussion of the British monarchy.
It’s just a small slice of a response, I can’t respond to everything at once...
Napoleon was a populist Revolutionary leader. That should be well-understood.
For something more substantial, try “Democracy: the God That Failed” by Hans-Hermann Hoppe.
I’m not convinced that this is a meaningful category. It is similarly connected to how you blame assassins and other issues on the populist revolutions: if historically monarchies lead to these repeatedly, then there’s a definite problem in saying that that’s the fault of the demotist tendencies, when the same things have not by and large happens in democracies once they’ve been around for a few years.
Also, while Napoleon styled himself as a populist revolutionary leader, he came to power from the coup of 18 Brumaire, through military strength, not reliance on the common people. In fact, many historians see that event as the end of the French Revolution.
While I understand that responding to everything Yvain has to say is difficult, I’d rather read a complete and persuasive response three months from now than an unpersuasive one right now. By all means, feel free to take your time if you need it.