Hmm, are you sure that they’re synonymous? I initially assumed that your post was talking more about holistic vs. analytical reasoning (see e.g. pages 23-27 of The Weirdest People in the World), which seems to have some similarities with System 1/System 2 reasoning, but also differences which don’t map so clearly to it:
Holistic
thought
involves
an
orientation
to
the
context
or
field
as
a
whole,
including
attention
to
relationships
between
a
focal
object
and
the
field,
and
a
preference
for
explaining
and
predicting
events
on
the
basis
of
such
relationships.
Analytic
thought
involves
a
detachment
of
objects
from
contexts,
a
tendency
to
focus
on
objects’
attributes,
and
a
preference
for
using
categorical
rules
o
explain
and
predict
behavior.
This
distinction
between
habits
of
thought
rests
on
a
theoretical
partition
between
two
reasoning
systems.
One
system
is
associative,
and
its
computations
reflect
similarity
and
contiguity
(i.e.,
whether
two
stimuli
share
perceptual
resemblances
and
co
‐
occur
in
time);
the
other
system
relies
on
abstract,
symbolic
representational
systems,
and
its
computations
reflect
a
rule
‐
based
structure
(e.g.,
Neisser
1963,
Sloman
1996).
Although
both
cognitive
systems
are
available
in
all
normal
adults,
different
environments,
experiences,
and
cultural
routines
may
encourage
reliance
on
one
system
at
the
expense
of
another,
giving
rise
to
population
‐
level
differences
in
the
use
of
these
different
cognitive
strategies
to
solve
identical
problems.
There
is
growing
evidence
that
a
key
factor
influencing
the
prominence
of
analytic
vs.
holistic
cognition
is
the
different
self
‐
construals
prevalent
across
populations.
First,
independent
self
‐
construal
primes
facilitate
analytic
processing,
whereas
interdependent
primes
facilitate
holistic
processing
(Oyserman
&
Lee
2008).
Second,
geographic
regions
with
greater
prevalence
of
interdependent
self
‐
construals
show
more
holistic
processing,
as
can
be
seen
in
comparisons
of
Northern
and
Southern
Italians,
Hokkaido
and
mainland
Japanese,
and
Western
and
Eastern
Europeans
(Varnum
et
al.
2008).
Furthermore,
the
analytic
approach
is
culturally
more
valued
in
Western
contexts,
whereas
the
holistic
approach
is
more
valued
in
East
Asian
contexts,
leading
to
normative
judgments
about
cognitive
strategies
that
differ
across
the
respective
populations
(e.g.,
Buchtel
&
Norenzayan,
in
press).
Below
we
highlight
some
findings
from
this
research
showing
that,
compared
to
diverse
populations
of
non
‐
westerners,
Westerners
(1)
attend
more
to
objects
than
fields;
(2)
explain
behavior
in
more
decontextualized
terms;
(3)
rely
more
on
rules
over
similarity
relations
to
classify
objects;
(for
further
discussion
of
the
cross
‐
cultural
evidence
Nisbett
2003,
Norenzayan
et
al.
2007).
(E.g. this difference wouldn’t seem to be something that you’d expect to arise from just System 1/System 2 processing:)
Several
classic
studies,
initially
conducted
with
Western
participants,
found
that
people
tend
to
make
strong
attributions
about
a
person’s
disposition,
even
when
there
are
compelling
situational
constraints
(Jones
&
Harris
1967,
Ross
et
al.
1977).
This
tendency
to
ignore
situational
information
in
favor
of
personality
information
is
so
commonly
observed—among
typical
subjects—that
it
was
dubbed
the
“fundamental
attribution
error”
(Ross
et
al.
1977).
However,
consistent
with
much
ethnography
in
non
‐
Western
cultures
(e.g.,
Geertz
1975),
comparative
experimental
work
demonstrates
differences
that,
while
Americans
attend
to
dispositions
at
the
expense
of
situations
(Gilbert
&
Malone
1995),
East
Asians
are
more
likely
than
Americans
to
infer
that
behaviors
are
strongly
controlled
by
the
situation
(Miyamoto
&
Kitayama
2002,
Morris
&
Peng
1994,
Norenzayan,
Choi
et
al.
2002,
Van
Boven
et
al.
1999),
particularly
when
situational
information
is
made
salient
(Choi
&
Nisbett
1998).
6
Grossmann
et.
al.
provide
parallel
findings
with
Russians
(Grossmann
2008).
Likewise,
in
an
investigation
of
people’s
lay
beliefs
about
personality
across
eight
populations,
Church
et
al.
(2006)
found
that
people
from
Western
populations
(i.e.,
American
and
Euro
‐
Australian)
strongly
endorsed
the
notions
that
traits
remain
stable
over
time
and
predict
behavior
over
many
situations,
while
those
from
non
‐
Western
populations
(i.e.,
Asian
‐
Australian,
Chinese
‐
Malaysian,
Filipino,
Japanese,
Mexican,
and
Malay)
more
strongly
endorsed
contextual
beliefs
about
personality,
such
as
ideas
that
traits
do
not
describe
a
person
as
well
as
roles
or
duties,
and
that
trait
‐
related
behavior
changes
from
situation
to
situation.
These
patterns
are
consistent
with
earlier
work
on
attributions
comparing
Euro
‐
Americans
with
Hindu
Indians
(see
Shweder
and
Bourne
(1982)
and
Miller
(1984)).
Thus,
although
dispositional
inferences
can
be
found
outside
the
West,
the
fundamental
attribution
error
seems
less
fundamental
elsewhere
(Choi
et
al.
1999).
Ah, I didn’t know about holistic/analytical reasoning before. With the intuition/logical thinking styles I had in mind, I wouldn’t have predicted that intuition thinkers would ignore situational over personality information. This may be a more cultural difference.
I wouldn’t have predicted that intuition thinkers would ignore situational over personality information. This may be a more cultural difference.
Right, it’s probably cultural—I wouldn’t assume it to be as prominent in Western holistic thinkers, either. Mostly I just brought it up to highlight the fact that the intuitive/holistic distinction may not map perfectly to the System 1/System distinction.
The reason for apparent anomalies is that “holistic” thinking can involve two different styles: pre-attentive thinking and far-mode thinking. That is, you can have cognition that could be described as holistic either by being unreflective (System 1) or by engaging in far-mode forms of reflection (System 2 offloads to System 1.) In Ulric Neisser’s terms, what is being called “intuitive” might reflect distinctly deeper or distinctly shallower processing than what is called analytic. I sort this out in The deeper solution to the mystery of moralism.
You needn’t buy my conclusions about morality to accept the analysis of modes as related to systems 1 and 2.
Yes, those are synonymous. I should clarify that.
Hmm, are you sure that they’re synonymous? I initially assumed that your post was talking more about holistic vs. analytical reasoning (see e.g. pages 23-27 of The Weirdest People in the World), which seems to have some similarities with System 1/System 2 reasoning, but also differences which don’t map so clearly to it:
(E.g. this difference wouldn’t seem to be something that you’d expect to arise from just System 1/System 2 processing:)
Ah, I didn’t know about holistic/analytical reasoning before. With the intuition/logical thinking styles I had in mind, I wouldn’t have predicted that intuition thinkers would ignore situational over personality information. This may be a more cultural difference.
Right, it’s probably cultural—I wouldn’t assume it to be as prominent in Western holistic thinkers, either. Mostly I just brought it up to highlight the fact that the intuitive/holistic distinction may not map perfectly to the System 1/System distinction.
The reason for apparent anomalies is that “holistic” thinking can involve two different styles: pre-attentive thinking and far-mode thinking. That is, you can have cognition that could be described as holistic either by being unreflective (System 1) or by engaging in far-mode forms of reflection (System 2 offloads to System 1.) In Ulric Neisser’s terms, what is being called “intuitive” might reflect distinctly deeper or distinctly shallower processing than what is called analytic. I sort this out in The deeper solution to the mystery of moralism.
You needn’t buy my conclusions about morality to accept the analysis of modes as related to systems 1 and 2.