I see that as evidence that marriage, as currently implemented, is not a particularly appealing contract to as many people as it once was. Whether this is because of no-fault divorce is irrelevant to whether this constitutes “widespread suffering.”
I reject the a priori assumptions that are often made in these discussions and that you seem to be making, namely, that more marriage is good, more divorce is bad, and therefore that policy should strive to upregulate marriage and downregulate divorce. If this is simply a disparity of utility functions (if yours includes a specific term for number of marriages and mine doesn’t, or similar) then this is perhaps an impasse, but if you’re arguing that there’s some correlation, presumably negative, between number of marriages and some other, less marriage-specific form of disutility (i.e. “widespread suffering”), I’d like to know what your evidence or reasoning for that is.
I see that as evidence that marriage, as currently implemented, is not a particularly appealing contract to as many people as it once was. Whether this is because of no-fault divorce is irrelevant to whether this constitutes “widespread suffering.”
I reject the a priori assumptions that are often made in these discussions and that you seem to be making, namely, that more marriage is good, more divorce is bad, and therefore that policy should strive to upregulate marriage and downregulate divorce. If this is simply a disparity of utility functions (if yours includes a specific term for number of marriages and mine doesn’t, or similar) then this is perhaps an impasse, but if you’re arguing that there’s some correlation, presumably negative, between number of marriages and some other, less marriage-specific form of disutility (i.e. “widespread suffering”), I’d like to know what your evidence or reasoning for that is.