One might consider that some people have strong preferences for the outcome of an election and some people have weak preferences, but that there is usually no way to express the strength of one’s preferences during a vote, and the probability that one would actually go ahead and vote in a race does correlate with the strength of one’s preferences.
So, perhaps, this is indeed working as intended. People who have stronger preferences are more likely to vote, and so their preferences are more likely to be taken into account in a statistical sense.
It seems that the strength of one’s preferences is (automatically, but imperfectly) taken into account via this statistical mechanism.
This post does not talk about strength of preferences so this seems a bit off topic. Nevertheless I think this misses some important considerations. You say:
the probability that one would actually go ahead and vote in a race does correlate with the strength of one’s preferences. So, perhaps, this is indeed working as intended.
This doesn’t take into account voter suppression. Take for example Texas; from 2012 to 2018, 542 polling places were closed in counties with significant increases in African-American and Latino populations, while counties with fewer minority increases saw only 34 closures. They also placed restrictions on absentee ballots and limits on drop-off locations. For example; Harris County, which had only one drop-off location for 2.4 million voters. It’s not so much the strength of preferences that determines who votes, as much as who is systematically discouraged from voting.
One might consider that some people have strong preferences for the outcome of an election and some people have weak preferences, but that there is usually no way to express the strength of one’s preferences during a vote, and the probability that one would actually go ahead and vote in a race does correlate with the strength of one’s preferences.
So, perhaps, this is indeed working as intended. People who have stronger preferences are more likely to vote, and so their preferences are more likely to be taken into account in a statistical sense.
It seems that the strength of one’s preferences is (automatically, but imperfectly) taken into account via this statistical mechanism.
This post does not talk about strength of preferences so this seems a bit off topic. Nevertheless I think this misses some important considerations. You say:
This doesn’t take into account voter suppression. Take for example Texas; from 2012 to 2018, 542 polling places were closed in counties with significant increases in African-American and Latino populations, while counties with fewer minority increases saw only 34 closures.
They also placed restrictions on absentee ballots and limits on drop-off locations. For example; Harris County, which had only one drop-off location for 2.4 million voters.
It’s not so much the strength of preferences that determines who votes, as much as who is systematically discouraged from voting.